Student protests and their fight for democracy in Thailand

Student protests have since long led to systemic societal failures as well as political inadequacy and dissatisfaction to the forefront of our consciousness. These protests have been part of the history of numerous countries on their way to live in a more equitable and just society. Countries like Britain, France, Poland, the United States, South Korea, Taiwan and even here in India have seen vociferous opposition from their students’ protests. These mass gatherings have become symbols of a democratic world and continue to inspire and provoke conversations on issues that other forms of media fail or are unable to do. They also face widespread hate, criticism and ridicule from people who are part of the opposition. The mere fact that people in powerful positions take notice of protests spearheaded by students goes to show how influential and noteworthy these demonstrations and their demands have become in the modern world.

Student protests or rather political protests are not new at the scene in Thailand. More so are the past fifteen years where Thailand’s politics has seen many such protests. It all started after the coup in 2014 toppled an elected government of Yingluck Shinawatra to protect the monarchy. Military junta established their rule and installed General Prayuth Chan — Ocha as Prime Minister. In the midst of the military rule Thailand created a new constitution in 2017 which allowed for a civilian rule after elections. The elections took place in 2019. General Ocha resigned from the military and ran as a civilian to contest elections again. He was again elected as his campaign was backed up by military — backed parties and he consolidated his power. With his ascent to the highest political position in the country, the military again held a central role in the power and political structure of Thailand.

The students had supported Future Forward — a party led by smart and charismatic young leaders. Though they lost the elections, the party was still able to garner the third most number of seats in the parliament and thus establish themselves and their anti — military and pro — democracy viewpoint as something to be reckoned with. What led to the protests we see today is the ruling by a Constitutional Court in January 2020 where they held Future Forward party in violation of campaign finance laws and ordered them to dissolve the party and banned its leaders from politics for 10 years. The students, already upset at what they saw as an undemocratic constitution that shifted power away from elected politicians to appointed bodies aligned with the military, took to the streets.

The initial protests barely had time to flourish as coronavirus restrictions made them retreat. The protests, which subsided in the following months due to the pandemic, sprang back into action in June after the disappearance of a dissident in Cambodia. In August 2020, the protestors came out with a 10 point manifesto which calls for a reform of the monarchy. It also demanded the standing down of the Thai PM Prayut Chan-o-cha, the dissolution of the Thai parliament, a new constitution to replace the 2017 Thai Charter, police to stop “harassing” them, and curbs on the powers of the Thai monarch. They claim the 2019 general election was “fudged” and that the selection of the Thai PM by the Thai parliament is invalid. Among their calls, one was for greater oversight of royal budgets and an end to the practice of Thai monarchs endorsing military coups. They have reiterated that their demands need to be accepted by the government in totality without any concessions.

The government tried to bring a stop to these protests by decreeing an emergency and a ban on gatherings of more than 4 people after the protestors heckled a royal motorcade that was unexpectedly passing by. The emergency aggravated the protestors more and they have continued to show their resistance through large scale mobilizations against the government and monarchy.

Unlike previous protests, today’s demonstrators are far younger and have no clear links to any group or party, making them appear untainted by past quarrels, said Allen Hicken, a Professor from University of Michigan. One of the most remarkable aspects of the protests over the past few days has been the echoes of Hong Kong’s recent pro-democracy demonstrations. After the use of water cannons on October 16, many protesters donned hard hats and goggles as a precaution and like their comrades in Hong Kong, formed human chains to distribute umbrellas to protesters.

The students have used pop culture icons and symbols from the Harry Potter and The Hunger Games books and films for mobilising more young protesters against the government and the monarchy. In July, when the protests were still in the initial stages, hundreds of students sang a Japanese cartoon jingle in a rally, mocking the government as hungry hamsters feasting on taxpayers’ money. In August, thousands hit the street dressed in Harry Potter-style wizard costumes, holding up chopstick-wands. Instead of slogans, they cast mock spells against the “Death Eaters” of the establishment. They wanted both “the muggles and the wizards” to come together against the dark powers. The three-finger salute, a symbol of resistance and solidarity of the movement against the dystopian dictatorship of President Snow in The Hunger Games trilogy, was borrowed by the Thai protesters. On October 14, they raised the three-finger salute to a royal motorcade that was carrying Queen Suthida. A day later, the above mentioned emergency decree was issued.

King Maha Vajiralongkorn, who inherited the throne in 2016, is rarely seen in public, and spends most of his time in Germany even after the country was hit by the coronavirus pandemic, a decision that was criticised by some Thais on social media. His accumulation of wealth from the palace coffers has also aggravated the protestors and thus reformation of the monarchy remains one of their key demands. The protestors are still under the bullet of a draconian set of laws known as lèse majesté that prevent criticisms or insults directed at the Thai monarch or royal family. Infringing the laws can result in a 15 year prison sentence. The monarchy is protected by Section 112 of the Thai Penal Code.

The Thai government says it respects freedom of expression and tolerates criticism, but that students must exercise their rights within the law and must not threaten national security. It also says that it won’t use force against the peaceful protesters, but has also warned them against “insulting” the monarchy. The authorities too have not shown any readiness to accommodate the demands of the protesters. Now, the emergency gives the government more powers to tackle dissent and protests, and the police have already arrested some protest leaders. With an unpopular monarch on the throne, Thailand’s economy facing the sharpest drop-off of any Southeast Asian nation due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the students refusing to stand down the country looks set for a long dry season of protest.

About The Author

Arundhati Joshi is a movie buff, literature lover and interested in knowing it all. Her keen interest in learning has driven her to bring a change and create an impact